1971 - A Treacherous Destiny

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When on April 23rd 1943 the partisans, the gappisti, the sappers celebrated the victory of the "insurrection", the Liberation, they did not yet know what perfidious destiny awaited them. Nevertheless, almost by instinct, the revolutionary communists did not hand over their weapons. They kept them at hand knowing that those were the foundation of their power and were patiently waiting for a cry of revolution that the Communist Party was careful not to give. In '48 with the attack on Togliatti, the anger exploded for not going to the end three years before. The proletarian hatred against the masters and against the state rebounded from city to city, from square to square. Once again the partisans took up arms and waited for "instructions", for revolutionary indications. And once again their party recommended calm, invited them to return to their homes, to return to the masters' factories. From that moment the ideas of liberation that had armed the arm and the heart of the Italian proletarian masses broke, ever harder, against the legalist, electoral and reformist walls that the Party was raising between autonomy and power.

The disarmament was total. Political disarmament. Military disarmament. This was what the bourgeoisie wanted to be in the state government. There followed tremendous years: post-fascism and reconstruction. While Valletta returned with the help of the "allied forces" to the management of Fiat, liquidated the Management Boards, fired hundreds of workers' avant-gardes and placed in the "confinement departments" hundreds more, the Selebilia police beat in the squares and murdered the peasants in the south. With wages of hunger and subjected to the most brutal terrorism, the Italian proletarians swallowed the gall of the "reconstruction" of Italy by the owners of the steam. In the meantime the reactionary forces were rebuilding their dictatorship in the shadow of the great masters and with the protection of the state. So it was that Tambroni in July 60 and De Lorenzo four years later, tried to give an outlet to those authoritarian-fascist pressures that had never been completely destroyed. The game then failed, it was too rough, still premature.

It took the mighty workers and student struggles of '68 -'69.'70, to bring to light all the reactionary filth that had accumulated, between the 50s and the 60s, at the bottom of our institutions. In fact, these struggles, which once again presented new and profound liberation contents to the Italian proletariat, forced the masters to become part of a new unity, around a project of reaction, of anti-proletarian repressive and neo-fascist reorganization of power. With the massacre of 12 December this dismal design took shape, gained weight and on the corpse of 16 workers began the construction of the new state: the state of anti-worker violence, repression and crisis. But the bombs in Piazza Fontana were unsuccessful: instead of ditching the movement they resounded like dead bells for the entire regime of the last 25 years; instead of blocking the road to the proletarian advance, they laid bare the regime crisis that tore our country. Crisis of the regime, structural crisis, result as much of the contradictions within the imperialist bloc as the incapacity shown by the ruling classes to promote an economic-social policy of popular interest; so much of the rejection opposed by the revolutionary avant-gardes to the defensive and legalist lines proposed by the reformist organizations, as to the level reached by the workers' autonomy in the great factories and on the great themes of the struggle for power. And it is precisely the winds of the crisis that give breath to the trumpets (and trombones) of fascism. In fact, it is precisely in a situation of unequal economic development, in the worsening of the imbalances between north and south, in the collapse of the small and medium industry, in growing unemployment, in the livid and violent opposition of the agrarians, industrialists, speculators to the spectrum structural reforms, uncontrolled growth in prices, tax increases, the rebellion of proletarian sectors that are ever more extensive to the criminal policy of the bosses, which is nourished by the neo-fascist recovery in our country. But neo-fascism, this son and undertaker of Centralism and the center-left is a widespread evil that does not spare any institution. It is not only the republic of Sbarre, or the IX Congress of the MSI, the campaign of Lo Specchio against Mancini or the bombs of Catanzaro, the tactical torpedo against the Borghese or the manifestations of the silent majority, neo-fascism or neo-corporatism. It is not only the 150 terrorist attacks or the 250 assaults that have taken place in Milan over the past two years. Neo-fascism is also, and above all, the anti-worker use of the crisis: the "normalization" of the layoffs for thousands of workers, the mass sacking for intimidatory purposes towards the entire working class, the non-application of contractual conquests, the massive use of political espionage in large companies for control purposes ... Neo-fascism is also and above all the terrorist will of considerable portions of the judiciary, and we want to say those magistrates who calmly kill keeping locked up in some jail, despite the obvious innocence of the Pietro Valpreda, or who are joking with the political trials against the comrades of the groups revolutionaries and the avant-garde movements of the movement.

Neo-fascism are the Guide, the Victories, the Calabresi, the Mucilli, the Pancasa of the various police stations of our peninsula. Neo-fascism are the Beloved, the Caizzi, the Occorsio, the Colli, the Calamari and the pigs of this made in the various courts of the peninsula. But neo-fascism are also the Piccoli or the Misasi, the Agnelli or the Pirelli with the filthy chain of their servants, their guard dogs, inside and outside the gates of factories and schools. Today a struggle is under way among the political forces that sit in parliament for those who must represent the supreme synthesis of this immense misery: the office of President of the Republic.

Three fundamental qualities are required of candidates:

  • the firm will to destroy workers' autonomy;
  • the intransigent decision to decimate the political avant-gardes of the revolutionary left;
  • the obstinate vocation to prevent the birth of a new armed left.

To the future maneuver of the state machine its great electors ask: order, productivity, repression. Therefore, discussing the shortlist is a secondary fact. Not a useless but secondary fact. Moro, Fanfani or the reaffirmation of the President of the massacre are nothing but tactical variations of the same game. The "fanfascismo" other can not be that the interpretation, perhaps more imaginative, of a script however obliged. Faced with this deadline our real concern is therefore to glimpse, between the shadows and the games covered, the threads of the tactical offensive of the bourgeoisie against the movement of struggle and its avant-gardes. Because, breaking this tactical offensive, we are convinced is the main task of the revolutionary forces at this time. But this presupposes clarity on at least two central issues. The first is that they are no longer the times of development, times when the generalization of the contents of proletarian autonomy in the movement was itself a revolutionary productive force. The second is that in this phase of "crisis" the destiny of the proletarian struggle is delivered to the organization and to the attacking capacity of the revolutionary avant-gardes in the first place. For us this means that to break this tactical offensive of the bourgeoisie it is necessary first of all to accelerate the process already underway, of the transformation of the political avant-gardes that the movement has formed in recent years, into armed political avant-gardes. The problem we have before us is therefore primarily a question of strategy. The revolutionary left must declare, pressed to the press of power, on which side it fights. The margins for practical opportunism are ever more restricted as the saboteurs of the revolution become more and more uncovered.

We must have it clear: extraparliamentary today you do not want to say anything anymore. The discriminant is always clearer and passes between those who intend to build an armed left and those who intend to prolong the helpless childhood of the groups; between those who want to preserve the sessantottesca matrix and those who fight for a refoundation of the avant-garde class as a political and armed vanguard; between those who intend to separate the "politician" from the "military" and those who intend to elaborate a unique political-military strategy and then build a tunic armed and proletarian political organization. The Red Brigades are launching a campaign to fight neo-fascism in recent days; they leave to the others the terrain of the great campaigns of opinion to practice that of direct action. The Red Brigades intend to continue in the "popular trial against all the fascists" and to realize other moments of proletarian justice; intend to give additional content to the password: NOTHING WILL RESULT.

The "Red Brigades" want to pour on the carrion of neo-fascism and the state that produces all the proletarian hatred, concentrated and organized, which years of impotence have accumulated. But above all the Brs, by making this choice of attack, are trying to strengthen the first nucleuses of armed proletarian power that have been organized in the most important popular districts and in the largest metropolitan factories. Comrades, THE COMMUNIST REVOLUTION IS THE RESULT OF A LONG ARMY FIGHT AGAINST THE MASTERED POWER OF THE PADRONI! This is the fundamental teaching that comes to us from the Paris Commune, from the Bolshevik revolution, from the Cuban and Chinese revolution, from what and from Vietnam, from the forces that today fight in the countries of Asia, Africa and America Latina and by the revolutionary groups fighting in the great imperialist metropolises. This is the fundamental content of liberation that has been definitively abandoned by the historical organizations of the Italian labor movement. The "Red Brigades" raise this flag against neo-fascism, against the state that produces it, for liberation, for communism!


Red Brigades November 1971