1972 - The Vote Does Not Pay, Let's Take The Gun!
The relentless attack that for four years the revolutionary left has led to the capitalist organization of labor and power has permanently ditched every illusion of giving a reformist outlet to the regime crisis under way in the country.
A fact that the bourgeoisie has pushed the path of violent and systematic repression of the struggles straight and that a general shift to the right has taken place within the institutional framework. The events of recent months show it widely and the election of Leo with the votes of the fascists or the early elections prepared by a DC single-color that collects all kinds of waste up to Pella and Gonella, are only the most flashy episodes. During the permanence and intensification of proletarian resistance, the masters contrast a strategic project of reactionary and neo-fascist reorganization of the state: the project of a great national right. We are still at the first steps, but beyond the tactical contradictions with which this project has to deal with the fundamental lines. In large factories where the refusal of work grows to become a rejection of power, the struggles are repressed by all means. It is enough to look around to see how, more and more, the intransigence of the public and private masters increases which, decided to grant nothing, make the police intervene with increasing frequency in workers' disputes. And then there is the organization of the scabs, new employers' unions and fascist squads, these last real civilian forces that if necessary unite and give manforte, spying, provoking, making terrorism, to the " law enforcement "of the state. The large boss newspapers, radio and TV do the rest. With the pretext of the "fight against crime" they do not miss an opportunity to confuse ideas to the working class by presenting and smuggling the growing militarization and fascistization of the state as "public order" and that they prepare the ground for a "final attack" in times close to the revolutionary avant-gardes presented as "criminal minorities". Precisely for this reason the great metropolises of the north are now daily subjected to gigantic raids, to continuous checkpoints, real anti-guerrilla exercises, with the employment of large police forces and carabinieri; (in the last in Milan, 5.OOO men were employed!).
In other words, we are facing a "militarized" state that is no longer able to organize consensus peacefully, prepares to impose it with arms. The bourgeoisie uses for this project all the political forces available on the market. No one sucks him, neither La Malfa, nor Ferri, nor Andreotti, nor Almirante. But the driving force at the moment is the MSI. It would therefore be a mistake to bring the question of neo-fascism back into pre-resistance schemes. Today we are facing a "new" attempt to build a stable "social base" around the needs of the imperialist state. Neo-fascism in other words - at least in this phase - is not aimed at an institutional liquidation of the "democratic state", as for the ferocious repression of the struggle movement; it does not manifest itself as a flashy institutional change, but as a daily practice of government.
In this perspective, the design of a national right gathered around a project of order, built to measure the current and future productive needs of the bosses, certainly has a longer breath than the "center-right" mediation put on for electoral purposes from the scudocrociati leaders.
It is no coincidence that many Christian Democrats, looking away, are among the most diligent supporters of the national right, among the most active promoters of the silent majority. Moreover there is room for everyone in this perspective: both for those who want to move on the "legality" platform; and for those who prefer the way of bombs, terrorism and squadrism. And it is precisely in the combination of the political terrain of confrontation with the armed one that the current strength of neo-fascism must be seen: silent majority and terrorism are not contradictory realities, as are the armed bodies of the state and the black squadrons of Almirante. In the short term the neo-fascist block pursues some goals. The first is to organize, using the various anti-communist centers, those small and middle-bourgeois strata exasperated by the "crisis" or threatened by the specter of workers' struggles as a mass of anti-Communist political pressure in the electoral game.
The second objective is to create a rift within the working class through CISNAL and the other employers' yellow unions, focusing on its weaker ideological and political layers, so as to arrive at the close contractual deadlines with the divided working class and a "Right" organized in the factories. Neo-fascism is at the service of this perspective. The squad attacks serve in fact, relying on fear, to immobilize the great mass of workers and "detach" from the "extremists", ie the most combative militants and revolutionary avant-gardes who do not intend to be trampled. The third objective is to create, in the popular districts, points of reference organized to carry out a "political" demagogic and any disruptive intervention in view of the elections. Finally, the last objective is the construction - on the side of the state - of a clandestine military force able to develop, according to the general political needs, both a real terrorist activity (bombs in Piazza Fontana), and a provocation activity - in it fights with the police - against the forces that are fighting to affirm in the popular resistance movement the necessity of the passage to the armed struggle (assassination of Comrade Feltrinelli).
All these objectives have a common element: the will to annihilate the revolutionary left and neutralize the institutional left. Opposing this project is not enough. What we advocate is that this opposition must have a strategic breath, that is, it must be an armed opposition. The war against neo-fascism is a moment of the revolutionary class war, it is an obligatory passage of the popular resistance movement in its long march to build up a proletarian and communist power. Like all wars, it must be fought not only on the political and ideological level, but also and above all on the military level. It is a front of armed struggle. That said, we understand why our goal in this fight is not that of the PCI or other "sincerely anti-fascist" democratic forces, to denounce the violence of the squadrists by making inquiries and dossiers to ask the state to intervene in defense of republican legality. The proletarians have not been: they suffer it! The state for those who work is nothing but the organization of daily violence. This is why the proletarians no longer intend to ask anyone for authorization to exercise their infinite power directly; to administer this power according to the criteria of justice that is born in the midst of the people. The war on neo-fascism and the imperialist state is an inevitable consequence of the militarization of the regime that characterizes this phase of the class struggle in our country. It will have no respite nor can it cease until the fascists are annihilated and the old state apparatus destroyed. Some say that with the elections you can change things, that the "revolution" can also be done with the ballot. We do not believe it. The experience already made after the Partisan liberation war can not be hidden. We all know her: we delivered the shotgun and from that moment they shot us! How many dead in the squares since '43? What is our power today?
The experience of the class struggle in the age of imperialism teaches us that the working class and the working masses can not defeat the armed bourgeoisie without the power of the guns. This is a Marxist law, not an opinion. We are not abstentionists. We are not for the white card. But let's say to all the comrades, clearly, that the vote today unnecessarily divides the revolutionary left; that the vote does not pay our request for power; that it is not with the vote that the counterrevolution that creeps all over the country is fought. Combining the revolutionary left in the armed struggle against neo-fascism and against the state that produces it is the current task of the communist militants. Free the big factories and the popular districts from the fascist carrion; to tear off the skins of lamb that they cover in these election times with rapid partisan actions; exposing the hidden complicities, the subterranean bonds, the reactionary plots that unite the masters, the state and the black army of Almirante, are striking with thunderbolt guerrilla actions. They are REQUIRED ALREADY IN THE SOUL OF THE GREAT POPULAR MASSES. But the revolutionary forces must now dare. To dare to fight. Fight armed. Because no enemy has ever been cut down with paper, pen or voice; and no master has ever been taken away from him by voting!